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Corey Gruber's avatar

“He blesses the boys as they stand in line

The smell of gun grease

And the bayonets they shine

He's there to help them all that he can

To make them feel wanted he's a good holy man…

He mumbles a prayer and it ends with a smile

The order is given

They move down the line

But he'll stay behind and he'll meditate…”

— “Sky pilot,” Eric Bourdan and the Animals, 1968

TL;DR: Saint Bernard has baggage.

I get it, I really do: Canto XXXI is about saintly function, not saintly merit. But I’m still going to state my objections to Bernard. Dante’s choosing him for teleological fitness, not virtue; however, I can’t separate the Saint from the contradiction of his blessing the disastrous Second Crusade, recruiting and motivating Crusaders, but then exempting himself and all his fellow clergymen from the sword-wielding “dirty work” (and the catastrophic failure of the enterprise). While Dante’s silence about Bernard's martial cheerleading is not surprising, neither is it exculpatory; he was well aware of the Saint’s reputation, but his veneration for Bernard prioritized spiritual and mystical contributions over controversies surrounding Bernard’s martial legacy. Dante, in essence, renders the martial matter moot; in the Empyrean, such classifications no longer pertain.

I’m aware that the Saint’s actions weren’t out of the norm by medieval standards; Church doctrine established clear functional differentiation between warriors and clergy. That said, there were plenty of crusaders who grumbled about “fat abbots” preaching holy wars. Bernard gave warrior-monks like the Templars their theological legitimacy by authoring De Laude Novae Militiae (In Praise of the New Knighthood), which exalted Templar virtues; it was, in essence, propaganda designed to convince knights to join the Order. It served as an intellectual charter for militia Christi and was the most concentrated theological defense of holy violence produced during the Middle Ages.

Lest we forget — the only ancestor Dante meets in the Commedia, his great-great-grandfather Cacciaguida degli Elisei, followed Emperor Conrad III on the Second Crusade, was knighted for valor, and died fighting in the Holy Land. Dante may have embellished Cacciaguida’s tale, but I still would have held a family grudge against the chief ecclesiastical cheerleader (the Honey-Sweet Doctor, or“Doctor Mellifluus”) for Cacciaguida’s death (which is why Dante’s in Paradiso and I’m not).

I don’t see a problem, in the context of the era’s threats, with the strategic intent of crusading (stopping the depredations of the Saracens), but I reject the ecclesiastical rationale of clerics exempting themselves from the crusading ranks. While I’m not implying only combat participation legitimates moral reasoning about war, Bernard never did personally test his theology under arms; his commitment was rhetorical, pastoral, and institutional — without personal risk.

Bernard was though, according to James Brundage, “…understandably sensitive to issues raised by the role that monks played in recruiting crusade armies. Otto of Freising tells us that Bernard himself was reluctant to preach the Second Crusade, and refused to do so until the pope specifically commanded him. His hesitancy was perhaps grounded on the longstanding canonical prohibition of preaching by monks.” To be clear: he wasn’t troubled by the hypocrisy of sending tens of thousands of men to their death in an ill-planned Second Crusade; his scruple was procedural, not moral: he was troubled that monks had to preach.

He was so passionately committed to the crusading enterprise that even after the collapse of the Second Crusade, since Pope Eugenius III did not abandon the crusading ideal, Bernard still indicated a willingness to assist if commanded. However, no formal Third Crusade was proclaimed, and Bernard never again mounted anything resembling his investment in the Second Crusade.

He had entered the Second Crusade at the height of his prestige as Europe’s most famous preacher. Although his reputation suffered following the failure, he never fully accepted responsibility, nor did he fundamentally retract the theology that made the debacle possible. He blamed failure on the sins and moral failings of the crusaders themselves; it was their greed, immorality, disunity, and lack of piety, rather than any flaw in the enterprise, or divine disapproval of the idea. In his De Consideratione (Five Books on Consideration)(3), he explicitly describes himself as a “shield” protecting God from the “scurrilous tongues of detractors” and the “poisoned darts of blasphemers.” He argues that attacks on him (for the crusade’s failure) are indirect assaults on divine will, since the enterprise was holy and undertaken in obedience. I think he hid behind institutional absolutism. Sadly, it’s no surprise the Church shielded him from criticism: it acted out of institutional self-preservation, and because, for them, Bernard himself was too big to fail.

Even conceding 12th century ethics and logic, there were critics at the time that saw his retrospective rationalization as a brazen theological dodge. The failure of the Second Crusade was not due to impiety, but rather to military incompetence in the form of catastrophic strategic ignorance, disastrous leadership, ignoring key intelligence, infighting, and overconfidence. Yet despite censure and the blow to Bernard’s prestige, his influence remained; he was swiftly canonized (1174), and later named a Doctor of the Church (1830). I don’t care how the Church revered (or covered for) him; God’s providence does not erase agency. He’s not my choice for a capstone guide. But then I’m a retired soldier, not a poet.

I’m willing to accept, in the interest of a poetic truce, that he believed the exemption for clerics was for doctrinal consistency rather than personal convenience, and that his anguish over the failure was both sincere and instructive. Bernard, now a humbled contemplative, does not just replace Beatrice; he changes the mode from explanation to petition. She’s exhausted theology and teaching; Dante needs a guide to propel him into direct, wordless union with God. He recalibrated and repurposed Bernard, who clearly may not have been the greatest saint, but performed the right function at the right time, mediating, through his prayerful intercession, Dante’s reception by God. Bernard demonstrated for Dante that failure is not the final word, and God will prove that even imperfect saints and exiled and embittered poets are redeemable.

Bernard wrote “De Consideratione” (Five Books on Consideration) for Eugenius III in the wake of the collapse of the Second Crusade and its severe blow to papal prestige, and under mounting criticism about whether he, the most influential preacher in Christendom, had misjudged God’s will. The work is more theodicy and self-justification than an admission of failure; he acknowledged anguish and shame — but not error. However incomplete the self-critique might be, it turned him from overconfidence in human plans to interior discernment, and that’s what piqued Dante’s poetic and teleological interest. Bernard wrote that popes should privilege “consideratio” (contemplative discernment), including self-knowledge, disciplined interior reflection, and resistance to vanity and political intoxication. There’s Dante’s selection criteria in a nutshell: Bernard is now a chastened master of humble contemplation.

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